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Gainako on-line Newspaper (GON) Motto: Guardianship & Independence |
“ Violence can only be concealed by a lie, and the lie can only be maintained by violence. Any man who has once proclaimed violence as his method is inevitably forced to take the lie as his principle.” ~ Alexander Solzhenitsyn |
Interview BABA GALLEH JALLOW AUTHOR OF - “ Mandela's Other Children ” By GON..................June 17th, 2007 |
Gainako on-line newspaper (GON) in its effort to engage more intellectuals in various subjects areas caught up with the author of " Mandela's Other Children: The Diary Of An African Journalist " Mr. Baba Galleh Jallow, a prolific writer and renowned Gambian Journalist residing in the US. In this exclusive interview, Mr. Jallow talked about his recent work. A book that dwells on the political events in the Gambia and draws great parallels to the South African experience. An interesting master piece that has recieved rave reviews from many political forums, blogs and newspapers. Mr. Jallow, known for his sparkling Journalistic engagement dwelled on various topics discussed in his book . This book welcomed by many political forum and newspaper editors, adds to the list of documentaries of our time, and a clear testimony of a living struggle under the clutches of tyranny and a poor administrator. (Below is the whole interview with Galleh in a humble mood as is his usual nature) GON: Good Morning Mr. Baba Galleh Jallow. It is said in Mandinka “Ninchi koto buka nyamoh tinah.” In a sense, the big pen gunners can dribble the pen on paper any how they like. Any comment? Galleh: Well, there is certainly some wisdom in this ancient Mandinka saying. I’m just not sure whether I’m qualified enough to claim its honor. I certainly cannot claim to be a “big pen gunner” as you put it. I simply try to put down my thoughts, impressions, and opinions as best I can. GON: Your promised book, “Mandela’s other Children: The Diary of an African Journalist” is finally here. What’s the target at this point? What’s the reason for its title “Mandela’s Other children?” Galleh: Well, the target readership is primarily the Gambian people, both current and future generations. The secondary target readership is the international community. And I think it’s already having an impact. Reporters Without Borders, for instance, have it up on the “Things We Like” section of their website. The idea is to share with readers my sense of the destructive workings of the current Gambian regime by sharing my personal experiences as well as document some of the worst human rights violations that have happened in our country since 1994. A significant portion of the book is dedicated to interrogating just what is going on with our country – identifying, naming, analyzing, trying to fit events and goings-on in the wider conceptual framework of contemporary politico-social discourse. I got the title “Mandela’s Other Children” while taking a course in South African history. One of our readings was Rian Malan’s “My Traitor’s Heart.” As I studied this book and others, it struck me that there are very deep similarities between the oppressive apartheid regime in South Africa and oppressive regimes elsewhere, particularly in The Gambia. I found it strangely ironic that black Africans in The Gambia and other sub-Saharan African countries are oppressing their own people even while white racists Afrikaners were oppressing black Africans in South Africa. Why should black people oppress black people? I was also shocked to learn that during the 1980s, P.W. Botha’s notorious secret police was called the National Intelligence Agency – NIA. It made me wonder if Jammeh got the name of his NIA from apartheid South Africa. Also, there is the similarity between the massacre of school children in Soweto in June 1976 and the massacre of school children in The Gambia in April 2000. And finally, for the purposes of this interview, there is sense in which both oppressor and oppressed are victims of violence, and a sense in which Mandela emerges as a father figure for all lovers of truth and justice in Africa. So I thought it’s a title that would invoke the concept of a pan-African struggle against oppression, and also provoke some interrogation of the concept of political oppression itself across time and space. GON: What is the motivation for publishing this book? Galleh: I think this question has been partly answered in the preceding sections. In any case, my motivation is the need to record what’s going on in The Gambia for current and future generations. To show a wider spectrum of people around the world what’s going on. And ultimately, as a form of protest and condemnation of the politics of violence that the Jammeh regime is engaged in, and to loudly declare that it is neither right nor possible to prevent people from expressing their legitimate opinions. GON: Your work in the past and present is sparking candle lights in many horizons. Humble Galleh, what’s the magic behind your writings? Who do you look up to, as in admiration? Galleh: Well, I feel rather uneasy with those sparking candle lights. Anyway, I derive inspiration first and foremost from the fact that God is on the side of truth and justice. I admire all who are truthful and just, and all who refuse to be compromised by the corrupting influences of power, ego, wealth, selfishness, and greed, among other vices. GON: “But Mandela’s Other Children is also a story of heroic resistance, stubborn defiance, and a steely determination to assert and preserve endangered sovereignties by threatened social entities.” What’s your comment on the above quote? Galleh: I think this quote aptly captures part of what this small book is trying to do; that is, show how some people, in spite of their disadvantaged social positions and apparent vulnerability, refuse to bend down to the bullying tactics of unjust despotism. I think the notion of “endangered sovereignties” evokes the concept that sovereignty rests in every human being and every social group. For example, the idea that power resides in the people, that power belongs to the people. There is a sense in which people and organizations, in this case supposedly powerless journalists, media houses, and students, insist on violating unjust prohibitions an unjust regime is trying to impose upon them. In refusing to take injustices lying down, they are asserting and trying to preserve their individual sovereignties. GON: Summarize this book in three words? Galleh: I’m afraid I am unequal to that task. I can say that one of the key messages of this small book is that injustice never pays. If people in power think that they can trample on truth, justice, and the inalienable rights of other human beings, then they must realize that those human beings reserve the right to resist such injustice, and that ultimately, their deeds will be recorded for both current and future generations. You do what you like, we write what we like, simple. GON: The recent review of your book by current GPU Secretary General Mr. Pa Samba Jow, another renowned critic of Jammeh’s administration finally exposed the book out to the public. Congrats to Mr. Jow for a wonderful review; but many sensed that Mr. Jow might have written it with “temper”, knowing what his mates like Fatou Jaw Manneh and others are going through under this callous administration. Did you perceive such in the review? Galleh: Well, I can understand Pa Samba Jow’s outrage against Jammeh’s despotism. He has all the right to be outraged and to express his outrage in whatever manner he likes. He did a very good job of citing some of the issues I discuss in the book. He has a right to his opinions and the right to express his opinions in whatever language he chooses; and I totally respect that. GON: Excuse us that we have to go out of the box a little bit here. What are you waiting for to board the “Independent Newspaper” online, knowing that one of your paper’s editors, Alagi Yoro is also outside? Do you or your management feel betrayed by Gambians on the weak participation when the Independent was under attack? Galleh: Well, I have considered having an online version of The Independent a couple of times, but I realize that there are certain time and resource constraints as to the feasibility of such a project just now. One, we might not be able to maintain a good reserve of reporters on the ground; and two, I personally do not have the kind of time needed to devote to such a project just now. On whether we feel betrayed by Gambians. Personally I will say No. True, public support has not been very openly forthcoming, but we think it is there nonetheless. Moreover, it has always been my belief that one should not embark upon any course of action hoping that people will come to your aid in case of difficulties. I believe that if you must fall, you must fall with the knowledge that you will have to pick yourself up. GON: The external GPU to which you were the Secretary General at a time is now dormant. Agreeably, this is not wholly emanating from the executive but also member participants. Any efforts to galvanize people? Galleh: First, a point of correction: I was never the GPU-USA Secretary General. I merely coordinated the efforts to establish it. After it was formed, I helped coordinate the election of an executive and handed over to them. I must say that the Union was dormant from the very beginning. First of all, most Gambian journalists in the U.S. showed very little or no interest in the organization. Many did not even bother to register. Secondly, even those who registered have not been adequately committed to the Union. We tried and continue to try to get people actively involved to little avail. Apparently, folks have other more important matters to attend to and you really can’t run an organization if the membership or those who should constitute the membership deliberately refuse to be proactive. I’m afraid that until people show more interest, the Union cannot but be dormant. GON: What message do you have for your wide readership? Galleh: Well, first of all, I thank everyone for their kind support and encouragement. Secondly, I would say read on. GON: Any works in the pipeline? Galleh: Yes, there are a few works in the pipeline. I am hoping that by next Fall I would have another small book out. I do not know at this time which of the works in progress I will complete by then, but definitely one of them, God willing. GON: Thank you for talking to GON. We look forward to having you soon again. Galleh: Thank you. To get your copy of Mandela's Children and other books written by Baba Galleh Jallow click here .DAILY OBSERVER'S ...........RAMPAGEOUS EDITORIAL .............................................By Madi Ceesay..................June 15th, 2007 When I read the highly seditious June 11th editorial in the pro-government Daily Observer newspaper , two things struck my mind: one-this puppet scrap paper is ignorantly trying to make the case for a senseless war between the (sister/brother) countries -Gambia and Senegal; two--- this paper is unknowingly defeating the purpose for which it was clandestinely bought by Yahya Jammeh by ringing the alarm bell for a destabilized Gambia instead of a stabilized one that Jammeh can continue to torture( without outsiders' notice) as long as he remains in power. A Gambia at war with Senegal would loosen Jammeh's hold on power and speed up his removal. I need no elaboration. Daily Observer needs to get this fact! This editorial (or do I call it another State House Memo?), which appears to be tainted with finger prints of the belligerents in the Gambia's highest public service office, sounds unprecedented in that it has for the first time voluntarily made public classified intelligence reports that had never been made available for public consumption in the past thirteen years of Jammeh's stay in power. It accuses the democratic Senegalese authorities in Dakar of continuing "to destabilize the Gambia". Question: wasn't Sud FM Radio in Banjul shut down by Jammeh a year ago for the same reason of broadcasting information "destabilizing the relations" between the two countries? And now the Observer could publish the same kind of "subversive" information and it still remains on the news stands? Is this how "democracy" functions by Jammeh's standards? In a dumb comparison, the editorial alleges " whereas Sudan is being condemned for the atrocities committed by the Janjaweed in the region of Darfur, Senegal has never been taken to task for sponsoring the Jakai Rebels, a violent group responsible for the worst atrocities within (the) sub-Saharan Africa." By all standards, this comparison qualifies as the worst sign of the existence of an immeasurable load of ignorance on the part of a national newspaper headed by a person said to be a PhD holder. Isn't it smart to suggest that Saja Taal's Ph.D. stands for Pull Him Down, not Doctor of Philosophy? Let's be clear. The unspeakable violence in strife-torn Darfur are purely a racial genocide that have murdered more than 400,000 innocent Black people and the displacement of over 2.5 million, most of whom are our mothers, sisters and little brothers. The Casamance conflict is a secession war. So, the atrocities in Darfur and the problem in Casamance must never be parallely compared by any sane person with sound knowledge of the current unfold of violence across sub-Saharan Africa. What makes the Observer believe the "Jakai Rebels" are "responsible for the worst atrocities committed within (the) sub-Saharan Africa?" Certainly, not the facts and figures in the archives! If the paper had done its research home work, it never would have come up with such fallacious allegations. Not to mention Darfur again, the wars in Sierra Leone and Liberia claimed the lives of 50,000 and 220,000 respectively. The Casamance conflict has killed a meager 5,000 lives and the displacement of just 60,000 after 24 years of fighting. With all these figures out there in the open for everyone to see, Saja Taal and co. still have the audacity to lie, propelled by puppetry motives to claim "the worst atrocities committed within (the) sub-Saharan Africa" had been in the Casamance region of Senegal. This is purely indicative of the culture of irresponsible journalism that prevails in the Daily Observer, today, so long as Jammeh is pleased with the contents. Which is why independent and sound minded professional journalists in The Gambia have become victims of Jammeh's anti-independent media campaign brutality since they do not want to be "partners in development" in this form of professional dishonesty(distort facts, snub figures and cook up allegations to frame-up enemies). More disturbingly, the Observer still has the mouthiness to shift the blame to the West by stupidly asking: "why is the Western world condemning Sudan while leaving Senegal on its whims commits the same or even worst atrocities in Casamance?...who will take the West seriously when they condemn one killer and praise another for the same type of atrocities inflicted on mankind?" I think it is quite amazing to read such an editorial on a newspaper that performs the role of an international public relations firm for a president who has always been advocating for "an African solution to an African crisis". Why does Jammeh's Observer have to resort to the "western world" for a solution "to an African crisis?" What's up with the "African solution?" Does this suggest weakness or unworkability in Jammeh's slogan for finding an "African solution to an African crisis" to thwart the so-called tensions precipitated by the alleged efforts by Senegal to help "dissidents to overthrow the government of President Yahya Jammeh?" In fact, the atrocities, that had been (and continue to be) committed in the Southern province of Casamance are the sole responsibility of the rebels in the region that the Senegalese authorities have been fighting against (for) over two decades. So, for the Daily Observer to allege that Senegal "continues to destabilize Gambia", just because some "dissidents" had reportedly received logistics aid (to avoid persecution in the Gambia) from rebels (that Senegal detests most), clearly manifests the paper's relentless global campaign to weakly blame the innocent authorities in Dakar for a problem initiated and spread by their undercover proprietor in Banjul: Yahya Jammeh. This reminds me of the old adage: a bad farmer always blames his tools (even if they are sharp and shiny)! I, neither sympathize with rebels nor governments hell bent on the annexation (based on bogus historical claims) of neighbors, but I am honestly convinced that almost every point made in this rampageous editorial can be critically challenged by any conscious reader. And, I think it is important for the folks in Banjul, calling the shots at the Daily Observer, to realize that this particular editorial does more harm than good to beautiful Gambia's "national security". If the Observer were a genuine "partner in development" it would not be involved in the imagination and creation of security threat that seems as fake as a mid-day mirage. It would have been involved in charting out possible solutions to this so-called political crisis between two neighbors that can't afford to lose being branded the "oases of peace" in a conflict-infested sub-region. MADI CEESAY New York ............Rejoinder to Madi Ceesay We Need A Smooth Transition From Jammeh's Gambia ................................By Bubacarr Sankanu, currently in Abuja, Nigeria..June 14th, 2007 I have read Mr. Madi Ceesay's essay on questions I posed through the sister publication The Gambia Echo, on The Gambia's future should Jammeh leave the helm of office. I thank Mr. Ceesay very much for trying to answer some of the questions I raised in my previous piece. Readers have directly e-mailed and asked that I answer the questions from my perspectives. However, due to my current film production schedule, I would only be able to honour their humble requests when I am through with the field shoots. Mr. Ceesay, I can understand when you chose to stay out of my fight with Mathew for when two elephants are fighting it is the grasses that suffer. All the other smaller animals that cannot mediate would either have to stay away or risk being trampled upon! Madi, I value your points but we must NEVER forget the realities on the ground. They should serve as our permanent points of orientation and return. We must realize that 42 years in too short in the history of any independent nation-state. We should not make any illusion of having a Westminster styled democracy at home anytime soon. May be our grand children and their off springs would benefit from a Gambianized political economy in which the yardsticks between the Divine Rights of Kings and the Bill of Rights would be decently demarcated. We must however start now: I, for one, support an organic reform strategy in which transfer of power would be part of a broader dynamic socio-political evolution so we do not repeat past mistakes simply because some people want system change by all means without preparing for the aftermaths. Emperor Nero or his successors did not build Rome in a day. The harmonious Trans-Atlantic systems of checks and balances and the Rule of Law of former colonial powers were not perfected overnight - constant amendments and adjustment in tune with the prevailing realities on the ground brought things to their current standards. Based on my calculations and assessment of the political realities at home, I stand to be proven wrong by unforeseen circumstances, Jammeh will rule The Gambia for 20 years atleast. He has already served 13 years and by common sense, 7 or 8 years, if we consider the election timetables, are left. To avoid the transitional mistakes of the past, I would like to appeal to all those intending to play key frontline roles in shaping the destiny of our Great Nation to join me in considering the next seven years as period of smooth democratic and realistic transition from the Second to the Third Republic. We should prepare every move very carefully and make provisions for the unforeseen, so in case of any abrupt transition or inevitable tenure elongation, the innocent Gambians will not feel the shock much. The economic shocks of the 1994 takeover and the subsequent brutality of some of the solders almost forced people to the street. If you can remember, the very first batch of peaceful demonstrators against the coup involved mainly former PPP sympathizers. They were mercilessly suppressed and their transparent (banners) confiscated. Their success could have been replicated across the country as a hungry suppressed man, they say, is an angry man. If the news of socio-economic hardships at home is anything to go buy, then the present situation of our country could equate a time bomb. Even if our strategic foreign reserves could help finance reconstruction, I would love to help in defusing the bomb now than complaining until it is accidentally detonated! Furthermore, I am trying to help avoid a situation like Afghanistan or South Africa where the never-ending battles of ideas between the former Diaspora nationals and the domestic elites are arresting progress. In Afghanistan, the local leaders are accusing President Hamid Karzai of monopolizing power together with his former exiled colleagues. The in-fights are hijacking government performance despite massive Western aid and, the Taliban are taking advantage of the situation by resurging. The protesting local leaders, under the stewardship of former President Burhanuddin Rabbani, have recently regrouped into a curious National Front alliance of former warlords, drug barons, communists, pacified Mujaheedens and all those who stayed and faced both the Soviet invasion and the Taliban terror. The irritating factor is that, five years ago, these new strange bedfellows spoke only through the barrel of the gun but now they found a common cause for unity and resistance to intellectual arrogance. This made Karzai and his is former Diaspora elites panic by inviting the Taliban for peace talks against the wish of their Western backers! Similarly in South Africa there is this cold war between the former exiled leaders of the African National Congress (ANC) and the local heroes who stayed at home - on faction wants fast economic reforms while the other is taking things gradual. The uncomfortable power struggle is distracting the government's attention from the fight against crime, HIV/AIDS and xenophobia. One big political setback it caused the ANC is the loss of the psychologically important City of Cape Town to the former Apartheid party, the Democratic Alliance. At the time of anti-Apartheid struggles, those in exile around current President Thabo Mbeki mobilized international support for the ANC and condemnations of the Apartheid regime. The ones who stayed at home together with former Vice-President Jacob Zuma faced the full terror of the Apartheid system. Now that the search for the next president is getting critical, the domestic leaders feel it is their turn to produce the next Head of State. The local elites are boasting of heavy weights like ex-VP Jacob Zuma, politician-turn-industrialist Tokyo Sexwale and trade unionist-turn-tycoon Cyril Ramaphosa. All these three big boys have equal chance of becoming the next president of South Africa if the big businesses behind ex-exile Thabo Mbeki do not spoil the show. In any case, Tokyo and Cyril have built massive wealth in recent years to survive cash politics. Jacob's own assets are his popularity and charisma. The scandals not withstanding, he was re-elected Deputy President of the ANC, a training post for the office of the country's president. His intelligent communication advisers successfully made the masses believe that the allegations of rape, immorality and corruption against him were cooked by his political rivals since most of the people accusing old boy Jacob maintain secret lovers alongside their legal partners…is politics not nice? I love politics! I would not like to see similar situation when we all land in The Gambia. We will stagnate or fail if for example, you and your fellow Gambian-Americans would be only advocating an American way of life for our peoples, the returnees from the UK feeling nostalgic about the golden old days of Queen Elizabeth, the ones from the Middle East preaching petro-dollar Sharia, the domestic elites insisting on more local government authority and we the German boys calling for a social market economy with the freedom to just make money, legally I mean! To avoid these vexatious polemics, we can start making best use of platforms like The Gambia Echo and this respectful publication to learn how to make compromises as leaders in waiting. Sorry if you think I am daydreaming about my upcoming role in our country. To be realistic, would you like me to serve Mother Gambia as a taxi driver when I can continue from where BB Dabo and Dominic Mendy stopped - as a pragmatic technocrat? To our fellow Gambians at home, I kindly request you to not only complain and cry about the hard life at home, but to equally submit proposals on how to improve the problems within the spirits of the bottom-up national development approach. This will make it easier for us to confidently tell President Jammeh what his advisers might be afraid of saying as Jammeh knows very well that any leader who ignores his constructive citizens would be committing a political suicide! Madi Ceesay, you described my questions "everybody-knows-the answer kind of childish question". You are lucky to find them simple and childish but not all my targeted readers are fortunate like you. Whether I intelligently summarize the questions to two or stupidly extend them to hundred, I consciously know very well that I am addressing a diverse readership with different levels of understanding. As an effective communicator, I keep making a compromise by comporting myself like a sunny boy using childish, feminine and some times buddy Father Christmas vocabulary for people to feel just good. If my target readers were a homogenous conclave of cardinals, I would have used Latin or classic English and if I should be addressing the Islamic Fiqh Academy in Saudi Arabia or the Al-Azhar University in Egypt, I would surpass Captain Sana B. Sabally's style with countless questions from the Holy Scripts. Mr. Ceesay, I am no apprentice and Communication is my natural game! I agree with your point on possible colourful results for grade twelve students. I now discover that there are people who would study just to pass their exams. They would brag out of school with distinctions only to make headways in real life as pimps. The ones among them who could further their education would go for degree programmes in stupidity! Madi, you are equally lucky to be among the privileged few that know the type of leaders they want at the summit of our national affairs. For the majority of our voters at home, the case is however different. Time pressure would not let me explain some of the interesting real life examples I gathered from election news reporting across The Gambia. However, these three factors influence the decisions of our voters: one, the psychology of the Divine Right of Kings makes it difficult for our peoples to realize that they have the powers to appoint and dismiss elected officers - if you win an election, they say it is God's work and if you loose, it is God's will! No matter how intensive we try to educate our peoples, we would not succeed in demystifying this dogmatic perception within a generation. We need a continuous process of peaceful civic enlightenment; two, the hierarchical structure and patronage systems of our society tempt people to vote for persons recommended by influential community leaders and three, the abject poverty makes people sell their votes to the highest bidders to cover immediate needs like a bag of rice, attaya (green tea), school fees, medicine, transport and other pressing basic survival needs at the time of electioneering. I stand to be corrected but I feel we are decades away from a system through which our electorate would choose leaders based on informed decisions and free choices! I pray our Right Honourable Halifa Sallah finds time to kindly elaborate, the key points I am raising here in this article. For, what Halifa does not know about the level of voter education and political maturity in our beloved Nation of The Gambia is not worth knowing! These real shortcomings we have at home are common rudimentary problems in most nascent democracies around the world. We can only find solutions if we resist the temptations of intellectual arrogance and the self-centredness of the "me" generation. If you have top rankings that love their air-conditioned offices, air-conditioned cars, air-conditioned houses and air-conditioned girlfriends more than the hot boiling sun, you will only succeed in failing the peoples as a glamorous looser. We must try to be at shoulder levels with the peoples if we want to condition them towards prosperity and free choice; bragging about our various statuses as graduates, scholars, fellows or members of exclusive clubs would not take us anywhere. Like wise, top-down concepts from elite policy schools like the London School of Economics and Political Science (UK), the Kennedy School of Government (USA), the Sciences Po (France), Ibn Khaldun Centre for Development Studies (Egypt) or the University of St. Gallen (Switzerland), would not rescue our politically-ignorant majority if we ignore the desires of the Gambians in the street. At this juncture, I request all the critics concerned not to forget the arts of political marketing. Politics is not about being a saint like Mother Theresa, a spiritual guru like the Imam of Timbo or a PhD holder. It is about dealing with diverse peoples. It means applying the socio-political ideals one stands for to suit the needs and aspirations of the masses that entrusts one with authority. The game of politics is about pendulating interests and not permanent friends. When it comes to applied political science with structural adjustments to the realties on the ground, political ideals and principles are the first victims of compromise, hence we have gerrymandering or cross-carpeting, to name a few tricks. Let us honestly cut the idealistic crap and stop grumbling for nothing; the problems of the day like abject poverty, impunity, you name it, must set the political agenda beyond party and ideological lines! We should therefore not be complaining blindly when opposition politicians or technocrats shake hands with the government of the day for, serving the Gambia is not the same as serving the ruling party. Over the years, the peoples have been tempted to keep voting for politicians based on their campaign promises and manifestoes and when they take office, they act differently. This is mainly due to the fact that there is no school, college or think-thank coaching our emerging political leaders on the arts of Republican power politics. The concept of Shadow Cabinet is not being followed seriously at home. We should however be thankful that Halifa Sallah and Sidia Jatta of PDOIS and some UDP-sponsored legislators in addition to committed public executives are gathering firsthand experience on the system of Jammeh's Administration that could be helpful in the Third Republic. There is nothing contradictory in their association with the Gambia Government. Both Djibo Ka and Abdoulaye Wade of Senegal gathered real government experience as Cabinet Ministers under former president Abdou Diouf! Coming to Mathew K. Jallow, I never intended to "defame" the elder and I do not see my rejoinder as "defamation". He started it anyway. As a fair player, I requested the Editor of The Gambia Echo to psychologically prepare Mathew before publishing my response. I bear no grudges and I think Mathew and I can co-exit peacefully as "arch political rivals" like you rightly put it. I have always experienced Mathew as a friendly elder brother and my respect for him dates back to the day I found him fighting for the rights of an impoverished community in the peripheries of Serekunda. I never imagined that I would find myself wrestling with him in such a way. However, as the saying goes, those in glasshouses should not throw stones. Had Mathew not provoked me with unexpected missiles on my small romantic villa, I would not have responded with the fire power of Word War II legend Field Marshall Bernard Law Montgomery! Now that we know each other's positions, Mathew can continue to follow the radical left-wing political school if he so desires and I will maintain my liberal-democratic and pragmatic middle way of political dispensation. Most importantly, I think we have indirectly helped in educating the readers in one way or the other. Generally, I do not know what is wrong with the people of today. Some of the readers can bear me witness, since the day I became an active contributor to our online Gambian cyber platforms, people have been attacking me personally as if I misused my celebrity status to illegally impregnate their daughters or sisters! Some were trying to discredit me at all costs while others were bent on assassinating my character with all kinds of bad names. The hostile reception I got in our online communities could only match that six-feet-deep baptism of fire we media practitioners received from the defunct AFPRC junta in 1994! Now how do you expect me to react when people want to use 21st Century technology for 6th Century style of debate? If you rattle a cobra, you must be prepared to be mercilessly bitten. Though I share the same slender posture, except height, with Rwanda's Paul Kagame, I am neither a small fry nor a frightened teenage boy caught peeping the girls next door. I try to use my brain as intensively as possible before uttering a word or making any decision. For, I always prefer to walk out of the battlefield either like the legendary Vercingetorix, by losing with honour and pride, or like a tactical officer of Julius Caesar's central command, by coming, seeing and conquering! To sum up, I am a very tolerant person but if anyone takes my "Mr. Nice Guy" character for granted and arrogantly brags about it, I will serve him/her extra hot pepper soup with atleast 100 kilogrammes of first grade spices from Zanzibar! No hard feelings! Bubacarr Sankanu © Copyright, 2006-2007: Gainako On-line Newspaper . Site Maintained by Gamway Computers |
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